15 March 2022

Supporting missionaries of the fifth mark

Here's the text of an email  I recently sent to my bishop. Repro'd here in case anyone else wanted to do similarly.

Amidst all of the domestic and international news lately it is easy to forget that we are still in a climate emergency and that we have recognised that ‘doing our ecclesiastical bit’ means aims for net zero by 2030 remain part of our mental strife. Really we should have been taking this path about 20 years ago (and maybe that would’ve helped with some of the other things we’re now facing) so the sense of urgency should not be downgraded.

I’m mindful that the climate crisis won’t go away if we do manage to achieve the net-zero target. Indeed some effects are ‘baked in’ already and we’re in mitigation territory rather than ‘heading off’.

What this means has huge implications for the churches’ mission into the rest of the 21st century. If we are to build a plausibility for our witness in the coming decades, we need now to be seen to be doing the right things to help now. Net zero is part of that. But so also is being aware that the refugee situations now being faced are a small beginning once desertification and further sea level rises become more evident and food precarity becomes a more existential threat even in the relatively affluent and ‘buffered’ West. Recent research from Bath University (see Tear fund report here: https://weare.tearfund.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Burning-Down-The-House-Youthscape-and-Tearfund.pdf), suggests that young people are, by a very significant majority, affected by climate anxiety. All of which is to say that we have a huge pastoral task ahead, starting now.

There is also a huge mission task . Although it was a late addition to what we now call ‘the five marks of mission’, the fifth mark (for short: “creation care”) is now understood to be vital and to crucially interact with the others. I’ve become convinced that in terms of the churches’ ability to proclaim the gospel in the coming decades, we have to strongly support 5th mark missionaries (as a recent letter in the Church Times put it) who will advocate for the flourishing of creation and work with those who are active in challenging climate-emergency denial whether in word or in/action. This would enable the churches to have not scored plausibility own-goals and it would enable us to be forming relationships which could carry good news and nurture the faith of those being drawn towards God in Christ. I would suggest that a suitable paradigm for understanding the enormity of the situation is the struggle against first the slave trade and then against slavery itself. The church’s strong witness via, eg, the Clapham Sect has been an asset in Christian witness since. (Fortunately people have largely forgotten the justifications for slavery that were offered at the time by some Christians).

It’s significant, I believe, that a number of Christians -including no small number of CofE clergy- have recently been appearing in court to answer charges relating to non-violent direct actions challenging the government and fossil hydrocarbon interests. Perhaps this is a move of the Spirit? For the most part they have been found not guilty because the defence that they are upholding international law and acting to prevent crime under international law has been accepted by judges, magistrates and juries. However, this has not always been the case -in some cases people have pleaded guilty and served jail time or been fined, for example.

This raises the question of Bishops’ licences and DBS checks. Presumably a bishop’s licence holder in a position such as just mentioned would find that a DBS check would show up a conviction. This may become more likely with the government’s recent draconian proposals relating to public protest -if they become law which, unhappily, seems likely.

So I’m writing to ask you to make it clear that Bishops licence holders who may acquire convictions for involvement in NVDA related to the climate emergency will not ordinarily (if you’ll forgive the irresistible pun) suffer detriment in terms of continuing to hold a licence or gaining a license for a new post. It would be good to supplement this with some explicit guidance from HR for bishop’s licence holders so that those who might consider becoming involved in such actions can weigh up the relevant considerations.

I ask this because while I know that bishops in various places have been informally somewhat supportive, this does not appear to be on a firm footing and seems to be a potentially fragile support. It would be good to make sure that people are reasonably certain about where they stand.

I think that a clarifying in this way would yield enhanced credibility for the church in coming decades, and so I would ask you also to encourage fellow bishops to make similar clarifications.

I had been thinking to make this the subject of a motion at synod, but in conversation it seemed that perhaps if you were able to do the above, it wouldn’t be necessary to go via a synodical motion.

While I’m on the topic, could I encourage you to look at the following document which might help to indicate further things to be encouraging and resourcing going forward further into climate emergency in order to strengthen Christian witness.

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1pL5jLS_zsNDp4fT_XVCOA2SVZThIdieS/view

I would especially draw attention to the issues which could help address the currently nearly invisible issue about climate anxiety. As a pastoral challenge, this is likely to be significant.

11 January 2022

Eucharist, congregation and remote communion

This article in the Church Times has prompted me to return to an earlier train of thought about Zoom (other platforms are available!) and communion. In this case the presenting issue is using the postal service to send consecrated wafers to church members. Some principles are mentioned in the article that are applicable, I think, to the issue of communion services mediated by video-conferencing technology or the inclusion of remote participants in a communion service. Patterson says this:

In every eucharistic prayer, the petition for consecration says something to the effect that the bread and wine may be “for us” the body and blood of Christ. The words “for us” have triple significance. First, they remind us that consecration involves the faith of the participants (“us”) as well as the performance of a rite; ...  the eucharist flows not from ordination, but from the Body of Christ. That is why the Prayer Book requires that a minimum of “four (or three at the least) communicate with the Priest”.

I made a similar point in a previous post questioning what we think we might be doing if priests are physically on their own and going through a Communion liturgy.

Patterson's third point is helpful, I think

And, third, whenever that exception is used, “for us” reminds us that a personal link between the source-eucharist and the recipients is vital

I do think that this is an important corollary of rooting the celebration of communion in a local congregation rather than in ordained persons. It seems fairly vital to me that we take note of the words 'personal link' there too. A lot of discussion about remote communion (for want of a better term), seems presuppose a basis in physical link and proximity as definitive. My earlier post was in large part about questioning and problematising that physical proximity supposition.

What I think is that it is theologically coherent by the lights of Anglican thinking to suppose that people might 'validly' receive the Eucharist when participating remotely. The reasons for thinking this are as follows.

The four actions are performed and the lack of physical proximity is not significant at the level of concerns of 'validity' since it is the personal link that is important; the physical proximity in 'normal' usage is accidentally predominant (because normally we would be in the same room) but not a matter to be mandated when circumstances mean it may not be that everyone can be in the same space. This latter point is clear when we consider communion by extension and the actual administration of Eucharists in massive-crowd conditions (as noted in my previous post linked earlier). In these circumstances, the physical proximity considerations are all modified in various ways which can give us analogues to the remote communion scenario.

That said, I think that there are some desirable practicalities which should be put in place. These would be to help make the points about what is happening and how the corporate nature of the event is reinforced.

I think it would be desirable if it is done regularly, to break the bread prior to the event and distribute it to the remote participants*. This would be to emphasise the 'one loaf' dimension calling attention to the one body symbolised. If this could not be managed, then I would suggest that each remote participant would hold their own piece of bread close to the camera at the offertory such that it could be seen by the president and/or participants at the priest's physical location as well as other remote participants. It could then be re-placed on a plate for the Eucharistic prayer. This would allow the breads to be symbolically held together for the consecration.

I think that this approach would be supported by recognising that God, by the Spirit, is everywhere present and that it is the undivided Christ who we are feeding upon spiritually. "The Lord is here -God's Spirit is with us", said by all those participating, near and far, names a truth and, in a sense, creates/reinforces the community gathered round the actions in memory of Jesus. That enacts verbally the community of that particular Eucharist. The true and crucial proximity one to another is that the "Spirit is with us".

It is also supported by recognising that human relating is not only constituted by physical proximity but by the interaction of embodied mind/souls (or en-souled body/minds). The 'we' in "We are the body of Christ" or "...we all share in one bread" is a "we" that can articulate, describe and recognise an "us", and love 'us' into being. This is the 'we' spoken by Christ and enabled by the Spirit to be expressed in human lives and to be fed by the Bread of Life. None of this is dependent upon physical proximity, although it may be aided by it. All is dependent on the work of the Spirit who is not constrained by physical proximity. The body of Christ lives in human hearts and minds in living-relation to one another. It is not bread alone but bread (and wine) blessed and consumed in community and in memory of Christ.


Endnotes
*This could be seen in a similar light to the taking of elements from a Eucharist to the sick and housebound. The difference would be that with the latter, the elements are pointing back to a Eucharistic event in the recent past which is being extended temporarily and physically to include others unable to be present. Whereas the former the event is not separated in time but only in space.

30 December 2021

The love of money -but which kind of money?

 In a seminar about what money is I was at recently -on a certain online platform- in the chat someone asked, I think slightly tongue in cheek -but it does open up an interesting line of enquiry:

Which form of money is most likely to be the root of all kinds of evil? 

To which I responded: 

It's the love of money that's the root ... 1 Tim 6:10   ... but 'store of value' must be at the top of the list

At one level that first bit could come over as a bit pernicketty -but it is important because it does enable us to think a bit about money with the gospels at heart.

What the presenter had been reminding us was that there are essentially 3 sorts of money -or rather functions of money: a medium of exchange; a store of value and a unit of account (settlements of debts). It seems to me that Jesus plays off two of the forms of money against one another, in a sense. Wealth/mammon which seems to correspond to the store of value kind of money against the relational exchange form of money while inviting us to sit very loose to the third in relation to its debt dimension. 

They are, of course, all interdependent. Money can't be a store of value if people won't accept it in payment of a debt or as a way to exchange valuables. People won't accept money for debt payment if they don't think what is offered will enable them, in turn, to settle a debt or store its value long enough to exchange for other goods or services. The functions are essentially facets and not really separable. There are ways to prioritise the various facets differently in different contexts but that's another thread. They all hold in common a social construction of value and a common 'agreement' to honour and use the tokens standing for the units of account -that is a kind of faith in the money -or rather, a faith that the community in which we move will (continue to) value it and accept it in payment of debts.

That last observation about faith in the system of monetary exchange implies a kind of trust in the community that collectively creates the currency by its faith, trust, continued use /circulation and savings. Those who are rich can only be rich because they are using something that the society where they are rich accepts the currency they have stored away. Money is socially created and maintained and wealth, in as far as it arises or is stored in monetary terms, is therefore socially created and maintained. The participation of the society is necessary for wealth to be possible in monetary terms.

I'm hoping to develop some of this by looking at the gospels where they touch on money and wealth. To look with particular interest in noticing what kind of money is foregrounded in each episode and reflecting further on that. I also anticipate that noting the relationship between money and wealth in terms of goods and services will form part of the reflection.

Returning to the love of money being the root of all kinds of evil, in the society of the first century this would be a love of the status and property that money could buy. it would also be directly a love of the amount of coins one might have locked away promising future wealth by its mere existence in a society which accepted those tokens in exchange for goods, services and concomitant high esteem. 'Money' here seems to have come to stand for that nexus of disposable income as well as the property, esteem and power which money can buy. the kinds of evil it is a root of can be understood in terms of the gospel teaching and a sideways glance at some of the other Pauline literature and the letter of James. Without delving into detail at this point, this would include hard-heartedness towards the poor and marginalised, failure to alleviate poverty, self-aggrandisement and self-importance -thinking of oneself more highly than is warranted- coolness towards God and God's agenda and a (false) mentality of independence of others, of individualism.

What the writers of what we now call the New Testament are concerned with is the effect that this technology (still emerging and developing at this time) has on the social and psycho-spiritual dynamics (to use anachronistic terms and perspectives) at play within and among people. I think that we have tended to think too much in the individual terms of greed and soul-deformation and not enough of the communal nature of money and the ethics around it. So, to the three functions of money noted in the previous paragraphs, we should, I think, add its function as a culturally formative artefact. The love of money clearly includes its cultural footprint of status and social and economic relations: one grows to love the way that wealth positions one in cultural terms. I think that unless we analyse money as a cultural artefact, we risk theologically distorting discipleship in individual and corporate terms.

 

18 December 2021

Grounding Our Faith in a Pluralist World -a review

I got this because it intrigued me. You may get a sense of  why from the blurb: 

The authors of Grounding Our Faith in a Pluralist World  believe they've found the way out of ... our usual alternatives for viewing the world's many religions—whether exclusivism, inclusivism, or pluralism. Grounding Our Faith in a Pluralist World critiques exclusivism, inclusivism, and pluralism, introducing the Mahayana philosophy of emptiness and dependent arising, along with its distinction between ultimate truth and conventional truth. It then applies this philosophy to an urgent question that bedevils modern people: how to practice one's chosen faith in the awareness of many other honored and attractive paths.

A number of things in that deserve more thinking about. One is to further interrogate the tripartite distinction that has so much dominated Western Christian thinking for the last century -or more. There are things in this admittedly logical categorisation that fail to do justice by  the concerns arising from experience. At the very least they bespeak an approach inattendant to methodology in relation to epistemology and evidence.

The other thing that's really intriguing is seeing Mahayana philosophy in such a way as to deploy it, potentially, in ways similar to how Christian thinkers have used Plato, Aristotle, existentialism and so forth. So seeing whether and how that could work is interesting. In a sense it is an inter-faith move, but what we think of as a religion we label Buddhism may in some respects be better thought of as a philosophy which accrued religious seeming practices. Perhaps that is like Pythagorean philosophy or even Stoicism.

To one of my earlier selves that would sound a bit worrying, and to others who hold views like that earlier self of mine it will sound well dodgy. Let me, then, add to the intrigue by quoting something else from the introduction.

...such an approach serves the truth without pretended claims of capturing the one and only truth, each of us in our different traditions are freed to develop apologetic, and indeed missionary, approaches for our traditions that both recommend our faith and learn from the faiths of others.

When I read that I began to think that perhaps this book did indeed have an approach which would help me to recognise and bring together my own emerging approach. I've tended to say that the centre of gravity of my own approach is 'inclusivism' but I'm not always sure that it fits well with the sense also that we can be entirely too sure that our language and symbols are sufficient to assess what others may or may not be expressing in very different thought-worlds.

I found the exposition of theravada thinking really interesting and helpful and also the correlation of some of it with apophatic Christian theologies. I am wondering whether it is better to think of it as not so much a 'philosophy as a methodology -a bit more like science: a way to proceed rather than an explanation. I kept thinking about scientific method as I was reading the explanation of Yogacara thinking about thinking and the importance of attending to what influences our perceptions and getting to understand our own built-in biases and prejudices and how we come to decide on things. So, an approach that is attentive to the fragility of language as a vehicle for thought and perception and its weakness in transmitting experience, is important.

One quote which seemed to be summative of a big chunk of the middle of this book is this:
As mediated through words, doctrines are subject to intelligent and rational analysis. They are to flow stream-like through our lives and our cultures, but not to pool and become stagnant, or congeal into the icy dogma of a hardheaded and biased believer.
For me this fits well with my version of inclusivism which differs from what is explained in this book in that it is critical of the religious frameworks that are its carriers as much as those of other faiths and religious institutions.

At this point I still have more to read, so more later; but I have to post this now because I said I would ... watch this space.

Grounding Our Faith in a Pluralist World on Amazon #GroundingOurFaith

13 December 2021

How will we pay for it?

There are lots of good ideas for how we can begin to do things to help reduce our national carbon footprint and to do so systemically and justly. However, many of us when we talk about these things with others in our families or churches face a response along the lines of "That's all very well, but how shall we pay for it?"

When we hear that we know only too well where it's coming from. -Decades of popular media and influential politicians talking as if the national economy were a household budget. Margaret Thatcher's dismissal of some political-economic options as leading to "running out of other people's money" also calls to mind the idea that in order to pay for some things we have to take money from "hardworking people". 

It has proved to be an effective way to dismiss political opponents’ priorities as unaffordable -"there is no alternative" to monetarist approaches. Of course, this has been a tad hypocritical too: somehow money has been found for all sorts of things that these politicians have deemed important: military actions, protecting banks from their folly, building roads, commissioning nuclear power plants, subsidising fossil fuel operations, supporting pandemic measures, even MPs' pay and expenses.

But leaving aside those outrageous double-thinks, what about the main question: surely to pay for these things we have to raise the money somehow? And if we 'borrow' it, don't we have to 'pay down the debt'?

To begin to answer that, let's switch the analogy and in doing so, question the implicit assumptions of the question. This is casting doubt on whether the household budget analogy (sometimes called "handbag economics") is at all helpful in thinking about an economy at a national level. But there isn't always an easy analogy to replace the image of the handbag holding the housekeeping money.

I’m going to assume that you are familiar with a certain popular board game about property ownership. You know the one I mean: it has as its logo, cartoon of an early 20th century business tycoon wearing a top hat and morning dress and the name of the game refers to a state of having pretty much bought up everything. Anyhow, enough of this coy characterising: I'm suggesting here that in respect of the question 'how shall we pay for it?' this game actually provides us with a more helpful analogy than what Mrs Thatcher imagined that housewives kept in their handbags.^*

I’ll start by asking a question that many players of the game may not have ever had to face. I discovered it in my teens while playing it with my siblings. We happened into a situation where the banker had no currency to pay players the requisite £200 of game money for passing the 'Go' square. We wondered whether this meant the game was over. We consulted the rules. The rules say: "The Bank "never goes broke." If the Bank runs out of money, the Banker may issue as much as needed by writing on any ordinary paper." And that's what we did. And the game went on, no doubt grinding to some inexorable beggar-thy-neighbour impoverishment so that one of us could crow in momentary triumph -I now cannot recall anything more of that game than what we discovered about the permanent solvency of the Bank. Had we known it then, we might have called it our magic money tree.

At the time I didn't really clock the significance of it  -that it can help us to understand a few important things about whole-nation economics ("macro-economics"). It helps us to grasp why 'how are we going to pay for it?' is a misconceived question. Of course, if you want a quick rejoinder then simply say "The same sort of way we bailed out the banks and the pandemic hit economy". Hopefully this game analogy will help you to offer a follow-up explainer to that quick rejoinder. And, In case there's a worry that making an analogy with a game is not very authoritative, maybe it’s worth remembering that the analogy of a household budget held in a handbag is more sketchy. At least the game is a kind of working model of an economy whereas the handbag analogy is mostly cheque stubs.

So, how might the game analogy be helpful? Well, for one thing, it helps us to grasp an insight captured in both Keynsian and Modern Monetary Theory. The analogy is about the relationship between money on the one hand and on the other the goods and services that we might want to exchange and mobilise in the economy.

Imagine, for a moment, all those goods and services. lined up in front of you. Now imagine a stack of money laid out in front of them. That stack of money stands for all of those goods and services standing behind the money. Those goods and services can be exchanged for the money. The money represents -stands for- the goods and services in the economy. You might even say the money is “backed” by those goods and services. Money is a way to facilitate the exchange of those goods and services. If we put it in terms of the game, the currency stands for the properties, houses, hotels and various less-material occurrences in the game like passing go, winning a prize, getting out of jail and so on. We could think of the game as a pocket economy and in a real sense it is. This is why we can use it as a model for thinking about some aspects of a much bigger national economy.

The next step in exploring the analogy is to notice that some goods and services are not necessarily in active use in the economy. They are sitting there, potentially in use but not actually being used precisely at this moment. For example, in a real economy, if you have people who could work for money but aren't doing so currently, they'd be potentially in 'economic use' but not actually. They are a kind of 'reserve' of economic potential. In the game, this would be any stock of un-bought property squares, unplaced houses and hotels and fines or prizes etc that are still in the stack of game cards.

The next step is to consider how to bring things into the game from the reserve. This is, of course, what the game is about at least i the initial stages -bringing properties etc into active participation by being bought and rented. And to that end, the set-up of the game primes the players with a stock of currency before the game begins (and tops that up each time a player passes the go square). This currency represents much of the potential 'economic activity' of the game: it will allow players to buy properties, pay rents, settle fines etc -all of the economic activities of the game. The interesting thing about this is that it helps us to grasp one of the insights of modern monetary theory: that money creates or unlocks economic activity. If you didn't start the game with money, you wouldn't really start the game at all or it’d take a very long time to get into the fulness of the game. 

If the Bank of Game runs out of money, it's generally because there is a lot of exchange in terms of rents passing between players and at least some players are sitting on big wodges of currency. Nevertheless the rules give the banker the obligation to keep paying out £200 for passing go and to give out the occasional 'prize' from the turn of a chance card. This obligation can be met in the event of being 'out of currency' by simply making more. This enables the game to continue at the more intense level of 'economic activity' that it has currently reached. That's the crucial thing to notice. The increased money supply that the banker creates into the game enables it all to continue. This currency is made ‘by fiat’ (to nod towards another technical term) but it represents economic activity that is about to take place, and in fact enables it to take place.

So, “how will the bank pay for it?” -We can see now that this is a non-question, in reality. If the thing needs doing (and the rules make it an obligation), the bank is not really “paying” for anything, it is merely enabling things to carry on or to develop further. The money isn't ‘payment’ when the bank creates it, it is enabling activity.

In some ways it could be thought of as an investment, but not one that needs ‘paying back’ because the pay-back is that the game continues and everyone can continue to play their part. As it happens, the bank will at some point probably get currency back in the coffers as people pay fines or buy housing or hotels.

The bank's aim in the game is not to run a balanced budget (what could that possibly mean?) but to enable the game to continue. I suggest that this is a helpful way of thinking about a government with its own central bank -like ours in the UK. Economic activity requires currency. There has to be enough currency for the economy to do what it is supposed to do. If there isn’t enough, then more can be created to correspond to the desired level of economic activity. The trick is to make sure that the newly-created currency is inserted into the right places to be effective.

How, then, will we pay for it? In fact, we can now see that we already have ‘it’ in reserve -we wouldn't pay for what is already in our possession (remember we are talking in collective, national terms). The actual question is not about paying for ‘it’ but about how to move ‘it’ from being in reserve to being in use. What was being called "paying for it" is in reality noting the value of the things that you want to bring from the reserve (work by humans, physical stuff like raw and processed materials to be worked with) and then accounting for that value by making the currency to represent it. At that point, you can pass on that money to the people who are able to mobilise the resources and the work to bring something into the 'game' (which is our economy). It's a matter of timing rather than availability: the money you create doesn't create value, it merely represents it, accounts for it and enables it to be mobilised in economic terms.

The fact that we use currency to begin to do that is perhaps the thing that misleads us. It misleads by surreptitiously inviting us to make an analogy with a cash-stuffed handbag. This is an error of mistaking levels. That is to say, it is like trying to explain the movement of sub-atomic particles by talking as if they have volition and intentions or talking about psychological volition as if only the description of sub-atomic particles is of any value.

So, "How do we pay for it?" -We don't; we already own whatever "it" is. We just need to use the social mechanism called “currency” or “money” to bring the things we have at our disposal into use in appropriate ways. The money we 'create' to do that is really a cunning accounting trick to help co-ordinate human efforts. 

Modern monetary theory tells us that when some politicians or media people say "tax and spend", they are misleading us (useful video by Stephanie Kelton here). In fact, the order in macro-economic logic is exactly the reverse: "spend and tax": this is what we should be saying to help us get things straighter in our heads. We create the currency and place it at the disposal of various people (spend it into use) so that they can mobilise resources to get things done. We can then tax back the surpluses so that they don’t accumulate in, say, offshore financial hoards (think: Smaug on a pile of gold).

"How shall we pay for it?" is not really a question about whether we have got the money to do so, it's more fundamentally a question about how we marshal our resources and deploy the way currency flows in the economy to make sure that resources end up roughly where they will do the most good.

To rework the rules of that game from earlier, "The economy never goes broke. If an economy runs out of money, the government via a Central Bank may issue as much as needed by coining, printing or crediting bank accounts."

There is more to be said not least about how the game analogy works for other macro-economic reflection too. It helps us to notice things about how money works which we may find helpful. Subsequent explorations of further questions and analogies will be linked back to this post. 

We will need to think also about things like taxation, savings, inflation and circulation of money as well as notice what this suggests about wealth and distribution of resources and money. It will have bearing too on matters to do with being in an economy which is itself one among other economies, international trade and resources and so forth.

In the meantime, you could consolidate your learning and enhance your reflection by gathering some friends or family and getting them to agree to play the game but with modified rules… These ideas are found in the post here.

Check it out:

https://twitter.com/andyverity/status/1366398494114799619?s=20

There is no such thing as taxpayers' money -by Richard Murphy -also worth checking out his free e-book Money for Nothing and my Tweets for Free.

This article on basic income and sovereign money makes similar points and explains the concepts in relation to a basic income.

^* Update: I finally (10/1/2022) got down to reading Stephanie Skelton's The Deficit Myth, I discover in chapter 1 that she refers also to the Monopoly game principle that the banker never goes broke and the consequent rule that they simply issue promissory notes. At that point she doesn't explor the ramifications in the way I do here. However, she did precede the mention of the game with a helpful analogy drawn from a story told by Warren Mosler about failing to get his own household chores currency to work until he made it worth something to his children by taxing it in exchange for some household 'services' like TV privileges.

PS (February 2023) This article passing on a winning strategy at monopoly, ends with these words: "It is difficult to read this without thinking about income inequality in the real world."


16 September 2021

I learned everything* we need to know about economics from a trading game

For a number of years, I've been using some odd moments to re-connect with economics which I learnt as a subject for A-level and which learning I have been able to marshal to understand the basic issues in national and political life ever since, to some degree. One of the consistently distressing things, given that background, has been the Thatcherite 'handbag economics' which essentially persisted having become the new common sense through to more recent times and enabled austerity politics to take hold. 

A couple of paragraphs digression...

It's worth noting too, that despite the austerity narrative, the Cons were not averse to using the 'magic money tree' quite copiously. In doing so they showed that it is the 'where the money is deployed to' in respect of the production of money that is at issue. -Because they paid out without taxing it back or calling in the debt. So how they justify 'where we don't insert money into the economy' -by a narrative of unaffordability- is really the thing to watch. "Do as I say not as I do".

Clearly by this point, the household budget analogy of Thatcher (often called 'handbag economics) had become so commonplace that it was straightforward to deploy it to justify political choices as if they were 'just the way things are'. It could take hold because it had the open goal of widespread ignorance about what was actually happening at a macro economic level. In that way austerity came to be seen as 'just common sense' (however unpalatable) to so many people. Unhappily also this affected many politicians most of whom should have known better, not least because they are, in a sense, supposedly paid to know better. But it seems that most of them didn't actually understand macroeconomics -as polling by Positive Money demonstrated. I'm hoping the following exploration of a certain famous trading game's economy will help readers to become better informed than many MPs appear to be. This may help those MPs raise their game (pardon the pun).

Back to the main points

So, one of the things that I've been musing over for a little while, is how we might displace the cultural fastness of the idea of handbag economics with something more accurate and helpful. In response to this challenge, one of the images or ideas that I keep coming back to is a certain famous property trading game. I think in part because when I was learning about fiscal policy I managed to persuade my sisters to play a game of Monopoly (tm) with me where I, as banker, was given tax-raising powers. This gave me the chance to observe over the course of a game, the contrast with all the other times we'd played. What we found, unsurprisingly, was that greater equality between players was possible and could be maintained for a long time. We observed that the fiscal (a progressive tax) mechanism countered the monopolistic dynamic of the game which is 'to those who have more will be given' -ie towards monopoly at the expense of others -'beggar your neighbour'. Of course, the game was originally designed to teach about just this monopolistic dynamic and I think I may have inadvertently reproduced to some degree, the other -original version- of what was originally called 'The Landlords' Game' which was a version with a land value tax embedded in the rules. I understand the two were to be used together as a learning tool.(*2) 

Since then one of the things I have found myself returning to in terms of understanding monetary dynamics in macro-economic terms, is summed up in the question,

"Do you know what happens in a game of Monopoly if the banker runs out of money?" 

Many people don't because they've not experienced a game where that has been necessary. I played enough games when I was younger for this to happen at least once. The answer to that question is that the banker simply creates more currency -literally just writes on bits of paper and these then become legal tender within the game. If this doesn't happen, the game grinds to a halt. In order to continue the exchange of money for properties, fines, rents, building, mortgaging etc (which is all the economy of the game), there has to be sufficient supply of money to support that activity. ^*

From this point of departure, I have been noting several parallels and helpful reflections to an actual, proper, scaled-up, economy with its own money-issuing powers. It's almost as if the game is a scaled-down model of a real economy. In fact it is and was designed to be so -the only question is whether the parallels between the two scales hold -and this is the topic of this little enquiry. 

As I have come to see it, 'handbag economics' (perhaps I'll stop scare-quoting that) is problematic because, seen in terms of the game of Monopoly, handbag economics takes only the perspective of an individual player and not the banker. The game enables us to see, if we ponder further, the way that money represents or is backed by the total economy. It also helps us to begin to grasp the importance of one of the core insights of Modern Monetary Theory (MMT); that the starting point for a government in an economy is not "tax" but "spend". 

Usually handbag economists start with the idea that you have to have money coming in before you can spend it. This is then transposed directly to the macro economy and is taken to mean you have to tax to get the money coming in so that it can be spent. This is the perspective of the ordinary player in the game: in order to function as a player you have to have money otherwise you can't buy or develop properties, nor can you pay fines or rents and your only recourse if you run out of money is to sell or mortgage properties or to hope one of your rivals will drop onto one of your properties and give you rent or that you will pass 'go' and get your 200 currency units (cu's -different national editions use different denominations: £ $ etc) income. 

However, just stating it in those terms does help us to understand a few things. One is that there is another perspective in the game; that of the banker. Another, and relatedly, is about where that 200 cu's comes from and what function it has in the economy-that-is-the-game. And the question of the 200 cu's for passing go (how are they earned and how does that work?) also relates to a third matter: starting the game. 

These are all tied together by the insight that if the game's economy runs out of money, the banker -as banker, not as a mere player- can simply produce more currency 'from thin air' in game terms: the banker has a magic money tree and doesn't run out of "other people's money". In fact the danger in the game is that other people run out of the banker's money (translation: the economy runs out of the government's money). 

To be sure, the banker doesn't normally just give the new money away. There are a few mechanisms which they can use to float new money into the game's economy. One is via the basic income given by passing go which can now be paid in newly-created (minted!) money, similarly those points where the banker is mandated by cards to pay players. The new currency tokens will then continue to be used and they will function in just the same way as the printed cu papers that were issued at the start of the game. Basically it is trust or confidence that makes this happen. As long as the players continue to treat the new tokens as currency, it actually is currency. That is, if players trust to accept it from one another as payment of the debts that the game's rules recognise and create, then it is functioning in the exact same way as the game's pre-printed currency notes. Probably, ultimately what holds that trust in place may be that the banker will accept those tokens in payment of fines, property deals etc and continue to re-circulate the new `notes` in payment of the banker's own obligations to pay the basic 'passing go' income to players along with any occasional card-mandated 'bonus payments'. 

I underline that the new notes are functionally interchangeable with the 'old' pre-printed currency unit notes that come in the game box. Now we understand better the banker's point of view. The banker is there to ensure that the currency functions to support the game's economy; to make sure that there is enough money for everyone to exchange in payment for the goods and services that the game consists of or for players to use to pay debts to other players or to the banker themself. The banker is spending that currency into existence. First of all in starting the game by creditting each player with a sum of money and then by topping up each player's account each time they pass go. That first amount is not earned in any way by any of the players: it exists to enable the game's economy to get started. This is essentially like the Modern Monetary Theory proposition that the proper order for understanding a macro economy is not tax-then-spend (the handbag economics' story) but rather spend-then-tax. I'm just focusing on the spend aspect for now, not the tax dimension. 

What MMT is saying is that for a money-using economy to start and keep going, money (currency units) must be made available to 'players' /economic actors to be able to represent\stand for goods and services that they can exchange. Once players\economic actors have currency units and have confidence and trust that others will accept them in exchange for goods or services, then they can engage in exchanges using the cu's -this is "economic activity". The necessary trust\confidence can be underpinned, enabled and strengthened by a sovereign token issuer being themselves prepared to accept the currency units \tokens in payment of (for example) taxes(*3). 

What if the banker couldn't introduce currency into the game regularly?

This section is a bit of a side-exploration. Feel free to move to the next section if the detail does your head in (headed "Micro model ...").

We could, perhaps, consider the reverse side of the banker's spending currency into play within the game. What would happen if money was not being brought into the game's economy -that is if it wasn't being spent into existence inside the game? Two scenarios here: one would be a game where no-one has any money at the start, the other scenario would be where no-one receives 200 cu's for passing go. If there was no opening credit for each player at the start of the game, then a game might look like the following situation. Since the rule is that no-one may buy properties on the first time around the board, then during that first round a player may find they have to pay a fine or receive moneys from other players or to give money to other players as a result of card mandates related to where players pieces land following a dice-throw. Clearly these things could not happen, and so having not cu's would mean that the first round only had the effect of determining the relative order and timing of players entering into the second round. No slight disparities in wealth would yet crop up. If the only income were from passing go, then some players would be able to begin buying properties. This would advantage those who had the highest dice throws to get round first. They would then be able to modestly buy properties and gain, perhaps, a modest income by taking rents from players whose aggregate dice throws meant they went past go last. It would probably take quite a lot of time for these initial gains and losses to add up. 

And we still haven't addressed the issue of the fines that may have accumulated in the first round -admittedly unlikely to be many but still possible. So, imagine a player ends up with a card mandating that they pay 50 cu's to the banker. Without any starting moneys, the would have to issue an IOU, assuming the banker accepts it: perhaps the deal would be that they'd only get 150cu's from the bank on passing go. Or, what if the mandate was to pay other players, say 10cu's each. Again an IOU could be offered and if accepted could potentially begin to work as a currency token if other players would accept it, which they would if they trusted that the debt would be paid with the basic 'passing go' income. The IOU note could then circulate as a currency unit. Let's notice here that the confidence in such IOUs relies on the prospect of a basic passing go income (hereinafter: "bpgi") introducing an accepted currency into the game's economy. This clarifies the function of money as a unit of account between players making it easier to settle debts more quickly and efficiently. 

If there were no basic 'passing go' income, there are two scenarios. One is that there was a start-of-game deposit of currency units to each player and that is 'it' -no more money comes into the game's economy, there is no further currency to be had. The other scenario could be that there is no starting money either. This latter scenario would be like the previous scenario but without expectation of any currency units becoming available. So the only way to proceed would be to issue IOUs against fines and hope that these became currency -but what would they be 'backed' by? How would they become a means to buy properties and so forth? Unless the players had the nous to agree together to independently create a banker with the kinds of powers the conventional rules set out, the game would seem doomed never really to begin. Or perhaps players would be allowed to claim the cards of any property they landed on and perhaps those could become the basis -the backing- for a currency of sorts provided all the players trusted one another to honour the debts created. 

There would be an interesting question here of how the relative valuations of the properties might then develop since the conventional rules set a price which rests in the authority of the banker to refuse to hand over deeds for less than that price. If the first of those two scenarios (where there is no bpgi of 200cu's) is followed and there is a starting set of moneys each player has but no other money in the game's economy then the play-out might look like this. Various exchanges would go on to pay fines etc. The banker would not be able to pay out for occasional card-mandated bonuses unless either they received moneys as banker from other players -fines etc or if this was a permitted way to introduce new cu's into the game. However, that would result in a patchy game where payments were a bit hit-and-miss and as a game, it'd be really slow to get going and would likely grind to a halt when money wasn't available to enable payments and receipts. (A situation historically like the depression situation that Keynes sought to remedy with his General Theory). 

Micro model to macro: parallels between game and national economy

This all helps us to appreciate that a currency is 'backed' by the economy as a whole. In other words, the cu's represent and correspond to the economy -the goods and services (potentially) available for exchange. It also helps us to appreciate the importance of the MMT insight that the actual order of things in an economy is "(government) spend and then tax". The two are interlinked. What the currency does is unlock the potential availability of the goods and services. The offer of a payment calls forth a corresponding offer of a widget or a service. No money, no economy. Without the currency being available, much of the potential exchange of goods and services does not take place: the game's economy and the actual economy are in recession: not much happens and many people are not provisioned. Not being provisioned is like the players having to go round the board without being able to buy -or sell, come to that: the property cards remain only potential but not active parts of the game; the houses and hotels sit in the box and are never brought out into use. 

To unlock the latent potential of properties, houses and hotels and bring them into the game, there must first be money. And sometimes, during the game, there must be more money added if the economy of the game gets locked up because, say, player C passed Go, but there are no more currency notes. The banker isn't in debt in any meaningful way, the rules of the economy simply require there to be more money than was originally printed and packed with the game. The banker's IOU is in effect currency -it can be recirculated because it can be relied on for exchange and ultimately the banker will accept it back in payment for property, a house, a hotel, a fine or to get out of jail. The game's economy is good for the extra currency units else the banker wouldn't have needed to 'print more money'.

This is in essence how it is in the big economy beyond the game. The country has loads of potential 'stuff' and activities to produce and distribute. To unlock that potential the banker (the government, essentially) can put currency into circulation. To be sure, it has more options for doing that than a trading game offers, though it could do the equivalent of giving people 200cu's for passing Go. This was proposed (helicopter money -it's what the USA did with covid payments) as a better idea than giving it to bankers who, in the event, just ferreted it away. With it just sitting in offshore accounts, it didn't function to unlock latent potential in the wider economy. In some cases they ferreted it away in property, and all that did was cause inflation in the property market. This is bad because it made it even more difficult for ordinary people by driving up their costs of living where those costs are related to property prices and rents. It would have been better  for the economy as a whole and ordinary people in particular if QE had been based on basic passing Go income.

In the game the players start with a load of money. They've not earned this. The purpose of this money is to prefigure the game's economy; in effect it says to the players, "This is your initial potential in the game, spend it to bring the game to life". It represents the capacity for the players to interact economically and to expand the scope of the game's initial conditions. The currency calls the game into being when it is used. It enables purchases and exchange. It brings properties into the game and enables development. Likewise the bpgi keeps topping up the game's economy often enabling some players to stay in the game. In the big economy, the government has to spend currency into the 'game' that is the economy in order to release the productivity latent in the resources, processes, labour and ideas of the country. If the currency is curtailed or allowed to be stashed away unproductively (this was Keynes' concern back in the day) the resources cease to be used because offers of money for stuff or activities dries up. We can see, in terms of the trading game, that if the banker does austerity, then the game seizes up. But the banker doesn't need to do austerity, the banker isn't in debt to anyone; the banker is merely making something available to enable the continued unlocking of the game's resources and the continuance of payments and exchange suitable to maintain and develop the game's present capacity.

Other lessons to learn from the trading game analogue

So we can see the idea of government "debt" is misleading at best and poisonous at worst. What is too often labelled 'debt' is actually a monetary shadow or a kind of virtual analogue of economic capacity. If it isn't ... let's say "invested"... then productive capacity cannot be brought into the economy. Government 'debt' is actually decisions about where to first insert that money into the economy to call forth productive capacity. It's not really debt in our ordinary way of understanding(*5), it's better thought of as investment or commissioning. When the banker gives a player 200 cu's bpgi, they are inserting that money into the economy of the game in a way that first assists the individual player but with the knock-on effect of supporting further transactions originating with that player. That 200cu's becomes a rent income for another player and perhaps a chunk fairly promptly goes back to the banker as a property purchase and a house built. This makes it easier to understand that this is not, as Thatcher would frame it, "other people's money" but that money is actually a collectively owned artefact which is meant to serve the common good. But everywhere it is in chains in privatised holdings and public-to-private capture-and-convert schemes -trickle up economics.

What about inflation? This is quite often asked. Mostly this is because either people have vague recollections of learning about the hyper inflation of the early 1920s in the Weimar Republic, or because they have picked up a monetarist argument which applies the basic idea of supply and demand to currency in use. Sometimes both. Well, the evidence seems to be very weak and the causes for the Weimar republic's hyper inflation was not really about money supply -but much more understandable in the terms of the analogy to the game I'm writing about here -a mismatch between currency and what it is 'backed' by in the form of productive capacity. The point is that if money represents and corresponds to productive capacity in an economy (or a trading game), then if you reduce that capacity (a war will do that) but don't take account of that in money issuing, then the mismatch will tend to show up as inflation -particularly if you have a punitive reparations regime in place to remove even more 'stuff' from that economy.

That the game grinds to a halt if the banker doesn't issue new currency also invites us to question why there is a huge amount of money somewhere 'in the game' but still more is needed. And this has a not-insignificant real-world analogue. The new currency is needed because all of the came-with-the-game notes are sat in players' possession. They are, if you like, savings. It would be fun perhaps to play around with the possibility that the banker might actually give them savings accounts and then mimic fractional reserve banking(*4) in the game -though that only delays the potential problem; if a player or two wanted all their cash back, there could be a 'run on the bank' and the banker would be back to having to produce new currency units. But I digress. The point being made is that savings which are merely sitting there, are not calling things into existence, they are unproductive. In the property trading game, these hoards don't recirculate cu's. If there's no mechanism to return those hoards into circulation in a timely fashion, then you have to 'print' more money to replace it. 

Don't forget the obvious lesson to learn -which the game was originally set up to teach: the tendency to monopoly (hence the name). The game very clearly shows how small, often chance-based, differences in wealth tend, over time, to accumulate at the expense of weaker \unluckier players. It's one of the reasons I don't like to play the game -the slow decline of the losing players into penury is not entertaining and the small chance of a reversal is not enough to offset that watching paint dry feeling. Just like in real life (except in real life people are being ground down into actual misery). The original Landlord's Game had a second version of rules for once players had understood the dynamics of unearned income via rents towards monopoly power. The second set of rules levied a land value tax and playing through those rules showed how progressive taxation could re-equalise the power of individuals and not only reward good luck and happenstance. 

Let's also not forget that the analogy helps us to understand that money is, in a sense, a public utility and one that we all create collectively. It relies on our trust and continued valuing of it. As we trust it enough to spend and be paid we maintain its value (try spending foreign currency at your local supermarket if you don't believe me! -it fails because 'we' don't trust it to be good for payments). We should, I think, be wary of allowing money to be privatised ie its value to be siphoned off unproductively or for private interests to cream off value from our collective creation. For them to do that, they should have a good public-interest case and we should have democratic accountability about the way that money is put into circulation and taken out. It's our collective money: individuals get to have it because 'we' agree it's in the rules of the game.

We might want to think about the possibility that the bpgi is like a UBI...

Things that don't carry across

Because the game narrowly focuses on property and rents, matters relating to production, everyday provisioning are not really in view. It's worth noting that property prices and rents are fixed and this usually is not the case 'out there'. The banker doesn't levy taxes -unlike a government (though I suggest playing modified games to explore that could be interesting -rename the banker as "chancellor" and the bank as "exchequer").

Modify the game to explore further

You could try these out singly or in combinations. Now that Hasbro have released a cheaters' edition of the game, we could emulate the selective modification of rules idea for our own progressive and educational purposes.
  • Try out the counter-examples in the 'what if...' section above.
  • Give the banker (>"chancellor") tax levying powers. You have different options. When the player passes go, maybe, a percentage of the value of their property cards? An income tax -have a starting point in terms of the money the player has in hand: say, 20% on income if they hold in cash anything above their starting account.
  • Give the 'chancellor' powers to invest money in particular projects or to give poverty relief. You'd need to decide (democratically?) what parameters to use.
  • Allow the 'chancellor' to acquire the utilities and redistribute the proceeds as dividends to all the players.
  • Go completely 'free market': don't have prices for the properties but auctions, let property card holders determine their own rents... Make sure you have a plan to break up the fights.
Footnotes 

*To be fair, maybe not 'everything' -I just couldn't resist the pull of the popular phrase. 

*2 For a bit more info: http://landlordsgame.info/ and https://roamresearch.com/#:~:text=https%3A//evonomics.com/monopoly-was-invented-to-reveal-the-toxic-greed-of-capitalism/ . I found this book to be helpful and eye-raising: https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/monopolists-9781620405710/ See also this article which also explores cheating in the game and real life.

 *3 it is likely that this is how money actually started -see Graeber or Mellor -or many other historians of political economy. This is not particularly controversial, just too little known. By 'sovereign token-issuer' I mean someone or some authority with sufficient clout to be able to command the respect to act in this way and issue monetary tokens. Usually this as a government apparatus.

*4 Quite a lot of sites and text books write as if fractional reserve banking is still practised. It mostly isn't -actual banking practice left this behind ages ago.

*5 Our ordinary understanding of 'debt' is based on the implicit equation to household accounting  and not national accounting. To go for that analogy by using that word, is to smuggle in a wrong understanding about national accounting which is misleading. It's a malignant, perhaps malevolent, rhetorical move. We can grasp the inappropriateness of the analogy by asking "who's the debt owed to?" -Well, the government borrowed from the Bank of England, which is ... drum roll... an arm of government. What's it backed by? -The nation's total capacity to do and to make stuff and our collective trust that the tokens we circulate (coins, notes and bytes) are 'good for it' (ie settling bills, debts and paying tax). The so-called 'debt' is actually the government providing and investing in maintaining the flow of goods and services that constitute the economy. The government 'owes' us the money, collectively, to do what we do in the economy. If the government is properly democratic, then we owe ourselves. If it's not then it is stealing from us or facilitating theft from the common wealth.

^* Update: I finally (10/1/2022) got down to reading Stephanie Skelton's The Deficit Myth, I discover in chapter 1 that she refers also to the Monopoly game principle that the banker never goes broke and the consequent rule that they simply issue promissory notes.

Furth update: Interesting research here. - A little insight into how privilege works.

29 July 2021

A More Christlike Word -a review

 One of the biggest problems I think I come across in Christian education is what I think of as a flat reading of scripture. By this I have in mind treating the whole bible as some kind of text-book: all one kind of writing, pretty much all of it giving propositional truths. Even bits that are obviously poetic and literary are treated as if the poetic form is merely a more aesthetic delivery system for what are really, at base, propositional statements. Related to that is the way that the differences of time, human writing and collecting and the history of receiving a text is banished to a far horizon (I think this is touched on at p.115: "literalism is generally tied to believing that truth is reduced to actuality, factuality, and historicity, whether or not the human or the divine author intended any such thing [p.115]"). This mind set is deeply uncomfortable with different parts of scripture apparently saying contradictory things because 'contradiction' means falsity in some part. Though of course if your definition of falsity is in large part leaning on a limited idea of 'propositionally true', then, yes; you are in trouble. Of course, a lot of this could be stood-aside from by simply being less prompt in equating "God's word written" with a kind of uniform concept of propositional truth. To turn the matter around: if scripture is in some way 'God-breathed' (I'm happy to start there, as is Dr Jersak), then what kind of way does it speak to us in the different 'notes' it is breathed through? As in music, cannot the dissonances also speak? If God speaks in Scripture, what do the differences and divergences tell us? -It's not good, in the end, pretending they're not there.

So a related question about how the early Church read scripture starts to bob up to the surface. They didn't have what we now call the New Testament, only that pesky hard-to-understand Old one. Can their readings of those writings help us to do a better job of reading scripture to tune into God?

I'll confess that for me the Anglican liturgical practice (retained from its pre-reformation form) where we  stand for the Gospel (and indeed face the gospel book and its reader) has helped me in this. Symbolically, to me at least, it says, "Christ is the centre -the rest is commentary". The Word (who was at the beginning) is the heart of the word of God written, the rest is commentary and context enlivened by the Spirit of the Word. (interestingly echoed on p.97: "... the “divine liturgy” of the church is a medium that functions to frame the Scriptures within the canon of faith—the message of the gospel—showing how they work together within the drama of redemption that inexorably points to Christ crucified and risen")

My hope was that this book might help me to think this through more, perhaps give me a resource to pass on to people I converse with about such things from time to time and /or perhaps deepen or re-found my line on the matter.

While above I mentioned as the way I think of a certain approach to reading scripture -'flat'- is the word used in this book too -in a fairly similar way. I think this word is going around in discussions about how we receive scripture and I've clearly picked it up too.

The idea of Christ being the centre and re-establishing in our thinking and attitudes that the Word is primarily, first and foremostly, Jesus is also robustly expounded here. One of my other favourite terms comes in here too: seeing the scriptures as witnesses to the Word. And from there he quickly gets into noting the hard questions prompted by the dissonance between the Abba of Jesus and some of the frankly genocidal commands in, say, Deuteronomy. And in relation to this issue, I found myself very much resonating with this:

I would not opt for the functional Marcionism of inerrantists who ignored the “toxic texts” or pretended they don’t exist. Nor could I follow the biblicists —literalists who were willing to throw the character of God under the bus, painting him as a monster and calling it “good” without blinking. Nor could I follow many progressives who had seen the problem but left the Bible behind altogether—and with the Bible, sometimes Jesus too! (p.45)

I like the way that the author keeps the Emmaus Road encounter as a paradigm case. Though I must admit that his putting the prodigal son story as a master text by which to interpret and weigh all others much surely have vied for the headline label, but I guess that "the Emmaus way" is probably more disclosive in that role than, say, "the prodigal way".

I was a little shocked that the fundamentalist /literalist way of reading scripture was labelled a heresy -a modernist heresy, but I must admit that I have gone a long way down the road already to thinking that there is something in that label. I found the characterisation of this in this sentence, very arresting: " seeing Christ thrown under the bus again and again through an agenda-laden, simplistic misuse of our sacred text..."

So, I think that I found that overall, the book was confirming me in where I'd come to, and that I would want to have this book to hand to commend or pass onto people I talk with about scripture and spirituality and Christian formation. I read with a sense of recognition of both the problems being identified and of the ways forward trough the network of issues raised. It is good to have a winsome book which goes through things systematically, with clarity and in a way that shows clearly that this a a 'faith seeking understanding' issue not one to be mistakenly characterised as 'disobedience', unbelief or deception.

It's quite a fat book -over 280 pages- but not a hard read at all; it covers a lot of ground in a winsome way with occasional turns of phrase that help to attract and hold the imagination. It doesn't labour points but feels to give enough information and argument to outline the main points and there are useful further reading and resources signalled along the way where the reader can follow-up things that become of particular interest.

The first parts of the book look at how the bible gets misused and misinterpreted and in what ways flat readings are inadequate and downright unhelpful, while making a case for a biblical strategy for reading scripture chistotelically. The second parts of the book cash out the theory. I was particularly taken by the chapters on rhetoric and diatribe -so far I'd only seem them in fairly scholarly books, it's good to see an author widening the audience and appreciation of these ways in which scripture is full of texture which is easily missed. The second moiety of the book moves more into the nature of God in relation to scriptural language. The key thought to emerge is that God is love and that we need to be wary of language about God, especially 'wrath'. We are also treated to some of the writings of the early Church supporting this. The main point, though, seems to be that by flattening out the scriptures, there's no way to put characteristics asserted of God into order and so a mean-spirited wrath is put on a par with love.

One of the things I gained from reading this book which I didn't expect was the challenge to read more of early church writers like, well more specifically, Origen and Melito of Sardis (being introduced to an online version of his On Pascha seem like a good place to start). I noted too that there's a really helpful 'further reading' section.

Lines I liked

The Word of God is inspired, inerrant, and infallible. And when he was about eighteen years old, he grew a beard (p.29)

  if there is a God (forever a faith statement), that God is Love. And God is Love only, for every other attribute of God must ever only be a facet of that one pure diamond lp.56]

I invite you to make an honest inquiry of how the so-called “toxic texts” function as a mirror that reveals the human condition and our habit of projecting our own un-Christlike images onto God, especially in the form of religious violence. [p.58]

seeing Christ thrown under the bus again and again through an agenda-laden, simplistic misuse of our sacred texts... [p.114]

... whatever unrecorded words Jesus relayed on the road to Emmaus, they did not fit into the historical-grammatical-literal approach (i.e., literalism) of my education. Frankly, I felt ripped off [p.129] 

Imagine Jesus saying, in all humility, “I hate to make this all about me...BUT, yeah, it really is.” [p.142]

 

Thoughts I found helpful

An Emmaus reading of their accounts sees these agendas. When the authors rationalize bloodshed, we ask, “How do they prefigure the Sanhedrin’s rationale for Jesus’s crucifixion?” And when they problematize violence, we ask, “How do their critiques anticipate Christ’s denunciation of violence?” As I read any given text through Christ, I need to con-sider whether the author’s perspective reveals a veil that Christ has since removed or an unveiling that foreshadows his revelation of God [p.84] 

Imagine that the whole Bible is simply an incredibly long version of the parable of the prodigals. And conversely, imagine that the parable is Jesus’s ingeniously brief summary of the whole Bible, distilled into short-story format. We can do this because both offer us the same gospel narrative...one in an expansive library and the other in a tight paragraph. So, here’s what we can do: turn the parable into an imaginary walk-in closet organizer for every section, every book, and every chapter of the Bible. [p.97]

The traumatic training offered in the Bible’s R-rated material should not be read as the threats of a violent deity but as the loving (and dramatically memorable) warnings of a good Father in good faith. The people of God made countless missteps that become vivid moral lessons for avoiding landmines. God wastes nothing... because of Jesus’s instructions on loving, forgiving, blessing, and praying for our enemies, and his explicit rejection of retaliation, vengeance, and violence, we must never use a text where the Philistines are slaughtered to call for the slaughter of “infidels.” Rather, we might see how they foreshadow Christ’s victory over the nonhuman enemies of satan, sin, and death, and our personal battles with the spirit of pride, malice, and other un-Christlike attitudes within ourselves.[p.133] (Personal note: this has been the only way I have been able to appropriate these texts)

I will say this to all Christians, Jewish or Gentile: we have no business in the Jewish sacred writings without reference to our Rabbi and his Emmaus Way of reading them. And that way of reading always points to and prostrates before him... Christotelic reading  [p.141]

So, as we read Old Testament narrative, we are invited to watch and see:

•When the people of God experience suffering, Christ suffers with them.

•When God’s people cause suffering, Christ suffers in their victims.

•When the people of God achieve victory, Christ is the victor.

•When God delivers his people, Christ is the deliverer.

•When the people go into exile, Christ goes with them.

•When the people of God are led out of exile, Christ leads them.

•When the priest offered a sacrifice, Christ was the priest.

•When the lamb was sacrificed, Christ was the lamb.

•When God appeared, that was Christ.  [p.158]

 ... new consensus has been emerging around what we are calling a “Christ-centered hermeneutic.” This term describes what we have been discussing throughout this book: that we must read the whole Bible through the lens of Jesus. Christ is the chief cornerstone—the Canon par excellence—so that all Scripture is received as authoritative only after passing through the life, teachings, and gospel of Jesus [p.196]

Rather, the best theologians are those who analyze and describe what the praying and worshipping community has come to believe through its corporate experience of the reality of the triune God. In other words, worship precedes theology, often by several decades. As we experience the presence of God in prayer and worship, we begin to compose liturgies and songs that express what we have come tosee. Eventually, theologians become observant and follow suit. Teachers may begin to confirm the implications of what the congregation has already been singing and praying (which is to say, believing) over the past decades. Ironically, the first generation of these teachers are often regarded as heretical, sometimes even by the very congregants who spawned theoriginal revelation. Why? It may be that the congregation is still under the spell of previous teachers whom they regard as their authoritative prescribers of the truth.  [p.197]

 The voices of sacrificial religion that permeate the story of Scripture are at least threefold in tone and content. Sacrificial religion speaks to readers as “the voice of the accuser,” “the voice of the victim,” and “the voice of the law.” Each voice makes particular claims and demands ..a fourth voice emerges in the biblical text, corresponding to the revelation of sacrificial love. I call it “the voice of the Lamb.” The voice of the Lamb—the voice enfleshed in Christ as self-giving love—proclaims the way of the cross vis-à-vis the worldly religious way of the sword. [p.204-5]

...biblicism regularly fails to delineate between the omniscient Author and the limited or unreliable narrator. However, there are many examples in literature where we are required to do just that. For instance, in Don Quixote, Cervantes constructs an epic tale of a very strange protagonist—but he also writes the tale through multiple genres, stories within stories, and a famously unreliable narrator. That is, the true author (Cervantes) knows exactly what he is doing, but he tells the story through a narrator who does not. Thus, the author is not truly the narrator. Narrators are actually extensions of the character they’re describing or evenan independent character who speaks from a particular perspective. [p.218]


Quotes I want to put 'out there'

 the first Christians would not have asked whether the Bible was authoritative. Instead, they would have said that Jesus was their authority, and then they would have asked, “Which books testify to this?” Those that did were chosen for inclusion in their written canon, [p.76]

I confess to finding the pastoral and evangelistic damage literalism causes upsetting. The edge comes from seeing Christ thrown under the bus again and again through an agenda-laden, simplistic misuse of our sacred texts...with the ironic claim that this constitutes faithfulness. [p.114]

literalism is generally tied to believing that truth is reduced to actuality, factuality, and historicity, whether or not the human or the divine author intended any such thing [p.115]

Modernist literalism... constantly stumbles into thinking that if a text (such as Genesis 2, Job, or Jonah) is not accepted as factual history, then it isn’t true. But consider this: is the parable of the prodigal son not profoundly true? Is Christ’s story of the good Samaritan not supremely true? [p.123]

... the redactors who gathered the Hebrew canon consciously incorporated texts that challenge and subvert other texts across the Scriptures... without imagining that this might undermine or threaten the authority of their Bible. The narrative is allowed to stand as is, confirming the integrity and genius of the story of God and God’s people.[p.201]

I used to flip right to the “good stuff” in Job until I started seeing how “good” the foolish counsel seemed to me. Some of it appears to make good sense. Exactly! The important function of the friends’ speeches is to shine a light on our own idiocy. The friends’ speeches are an inspired revelation of our own error, not a divine thumbs-up to their error. [p.207]

Side note: Paul commissioned the female deacon Phoebe to deliver (preach!) his sermon to the Romans in person. He would have prepared her to communicate the tones such that his first audience picked up on the diatribe [p.245]

The emotional pairing of the terror of judgment offset by the relief of escape is effective(ish). But if our message focuses on fear that makes God the cause or agent of fear, we’ll either run from God or turn to him but have no desire to draw near to him. Spiritual Stockholm Syndrome

True justice for the prophets is the beautiful restoration of the shalomic state by means of mercy—defined as every manifestation of divine goodness. In that case, justice and mercy kiss [p.269]


Provocative or intriguing quotes

Origen included within his literal sense the need to discern and distinguish (1) actual history from (2) fictitious history (when we can) composed by the Spirit to communicate more-than-literal truth. In either case, the message the story conveys is true [p.130]

If we don’t see that Christ is the point, then the whole Bible remains Old Testament, but if we do, then the whole Bible becomes New Testament [p.218]


Link-Love for Review

A More Christlike Word on Amazon
A More Christlike Word website
Bradley Jersak’s website 

#AMoreChristlikeWord

I should say that I received this e-book as a review copy via the Speakeasy review scheme. I'm not obliged to say nice things about it (or the reverse, come to that), just to comment on it within 30 days of receiving it. Which I've done

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